Комментарии: PAK *č:a-; Ub. sǝ-ḳ́á-č́a-n. The Ub. verb is a compound with ḳ́a- 'to go, walk'. For phonetic reasons the comparison of PAK *č:a- and Ub. -č́a- (pointing to PWC *č́:ʷa-) is preferable to other comparisons: PAK *č:a- and Ub. žaja 'swift' (Mészáros 1934, 326); PAK *č:a- and PAT *ća- 'to go' (Shagirov 1, 193).
Комментарии: PAK *č́:ánǝ. Despite Abdokov (1973, 50) the Adygh word can not be related to Ub. (n)dan 'sharp' for phonetic reasons; but Ub. čan- 'to sharpen' is a perfect match (and it can not be considered a loan from Ad. because of its non-palatalised č- and verbal function).
Комментарии: Cf. also Abkh. Bzyb. a-ź̌ardʷǝ́na (PAT *zʷardʷǝna). PAK *p:č́:andá-χʷǝ (the component -χʷǝ is not quite clear). The original resonant within the root is -r-, as seen from the PAT form and from external evidence; -n- in PAK may be due to assimilation (e.g. *p:č́:ardǝna- > *p:č́:anda-). In general the Abkh. and PAK forms are in very good correlation, thus their different etymologies in Shagirov 1987, 86 are hardly justified (the etymologies are: "growing up together with goats" for PAK *p:č́:andáχʷǝ and "cow's thrush" for Abkh. á-ž̌ardʷǝna; both seem folk-etymological, although in the latter case Abkh. árdʷǝna 'thrush' could have influenced the form á-ž̌ardʷǝna).
Комментарии: PAK *č:ǝ́-ɣǝ 'tree'. Shagirov (1, 196) is certainly right in treating the component -ɣǝ as 'seed' (see *Ł́A) and establishing the original meaning of the compound as "acorn". Cf. also PAK *č:ǝ-ɣa-jǝ "oak-tree" (Ad. čǝɣāj, Kab. žǝɣej). However, the root *č:ǝ can not be related to Abkh. a-ǯ́ 'oak-tree' for phonetic reasons; the latter is rather connected with PAK *pč:́V 'plane-tree' q.v.
Значение:1 wooden scoop with a handle 2 basin, tureen
Абхазский:a-č́aq̇ʷá 1
Убыхский:čaq̇ʷǝ́ 2
Комментарии: Cf. also Abkh. Bzyb. a-č́aq̇ʷǝ́ 'wooden scoop'. Abkh. č́ points to *č́-, but Ub. č - rather to *č́ʷ. This is probably explained by a secondary labialising assimilation in the prehistory of Ub.
Комментарии: PAK *čǝ. Kab. q:ʷa-š < *q:ʷá-čǝ 'son+brother', cf. Ad. q:ʷaš 'own brother, brother having the same family name'. Reason for voicing *č́ʷ > *č́ > ǯ́ in the Ub. form is not quite clear (cf. perhaps the irregular voicing in plural in PN?).
PAT *aš́a 'brother' should be kept separate and traced back (together with Ub. -ʎa) to another PWC root, *ʎ́a q.v.
Комментарии: Seems to be less used in modern Kab. (in Ad. this is the main word for 'big'). PAK *čxʷa. The AK-Ub. comparison belongs to Dumézil (1932, 95). Klimov (1969, 290) has compared the AK root with Abkh. a-mcχʷ 'surplus'; this comparison is, however, justly rejected by Shagirov (2, 61-62) (both for phonetic and semantic reasons).
The precise nature of the initial PWC affricate here is hard to determine, since both in PAK and Ub. the initial clusters of the type 'affricate+fricative' are substantially restricted (in Ub. all affricates change to fricatives in this position; in PAK palatalized/non-palatalized affricates are neutralised before fricatives). Position within a cluster also explains the change of uvular to velar in PAK (no combinations of front affricates + uvular fricatives are allowed).
Комментарии: PAK *č́a- (also *č́ǝ- with some preverbs). See Shagirov 2, 137-138. The PWC reconstruction is tentative (because of the absence of AA and Ub. cognates); PAK *č́ can go back to PWC *čʷ, *č́ or *ƛ́.
Комментарии: PAT *ć̣a (cf. also Bz. a-ć̣); PAK *c̣a. Ub. has a compound of *ṭa 'nit' + *ć̣A 'louse' (despite Shagirov 2, 125 Ub. ṭaḳ́ 'louse' can not belong here; coincidence with -ć̣ in dǝmać̣ 'egg' is probably fortuitous).
Комментарии: PAT *ć̣ǝ-ćǝ 'new' - cf. Abkh. Bz. a-ć̣ǝ́ć. Historically this is probably a reduplication (with dissimilative loss of glottalisation in the second part). In the Abzh. dialect and in Abaz. the word was transformed to č̣ǝc under influence of another root, *č̣a q.v. The pure root *ć̣ǝ is preserved in Abkh. a-j-c̣-rá (Bz. a-j-ć̣-rá) 'to be younger, smaller', a-j-c̣-bá (Bz. a-j-ć̣-bá, Abaz. ajc̣ba) 'junior'.
The AK languages preserve this root only within the compound *c̣ǝ-ḳʷǝ́ 'small, young, youngster' (c̣ǝ- regularly < *ć̣ǝ-; the precise meaning of the second component is not quite clear yet).
Комментарии: PAT *ḳać̣a (cf. also Bz. a-ḳać̣á); PAK *c̣aḳá. The meaning of the PAK form could have been influenced by its folk-etymological analysis as 'louse' (*c̣a) + 'egg' (*ḳa), but external parallels leave no doubt that the bisyllabic structure is here original.
Комментарии: PAT *ć̣ǝ-śǝ (cf. also Abkh. Bzyb. a-ć̣ǝ́ś ) with a singular-diminutive component *śǝ; without it cf. the plural form *ć̣a-ra > Abkh. a-c̣á-ra, Bzyb. a-ć̣á-ra, Abaz. c̣ara.
Комментарии: The first component is dǝma- 'hen'. The second component has no reliable etymology (cf., perhaps, PAT *ʒ́ǝ 'seed' in several compounds?); comparison with PAK *ḳa 'egg, seed' (Шагиров 1, 160-161) is of course untenable.
